George Bush: The Unauthorized Biography by Webster G. Tarpley

734 Pages · 2000 · 2.39 MB · English

  • George Bush: The Unauthorized Biography by Webster G. Tarpley

    George Bush:





    Webster G. Tarpley


    Anton Chaitkin

    The Bush biography published by Anton Chaiktin and myself in 1992 already documents

    how, under National Security Decision Directives 2 and 3, George Bush was responsible

    for the White House crisis staffs of the Reagan Administration and thus for all the covert

    operations of the 1980's, including deliveries of crack cocaine, marijuana, and heroin into

    American cities.

    Gary Webb is an honest investigative reporter who conducted his probe from the bottom

    up, starting from the streets of Los Angeles and proceeding up the line towards


    Our method, by contrast, was to start from the White House and proceed downward.

    Gary Webb's work and our own mesh at numerous key points, such as the figures of

    contra leaders Adolfo Calero and Enrique Bermudez. Iran-contra drug-trafficking was

    carried on with the help of an interagency coordination (or "Focal Point") located in the

    Department of Defense, and utilized the services of the Pentagon, the State Department,

    the National Security Council, Central Intelligence Agency, and other organs of


    At the top of the chain of command was Vice President and crisis staff chief George

    Bush, assisted by Donald Gregg, Oliver North, Felix Rodriguez. The political kingpin of

    the entire operation was George Bush, and it is Bush who today must be the target of

    mass political mobilization - especially since Bush is today the main power in the

    Republican Party and the leader of the efforts for a British-backed impeachment/coup

    d'etat against the Clinton Administration and the US Constitution. It would be folly to let

    Bush off the hook by focussing on some faceless, nameless bureaucrats in the CIA whom

    Bush would be glad to sacrifice to save himself.


    American Caligula

    The thesis of this book is simple: if George Bush were to be re- elected in November

    1992 for a second term as the president of the United States, this country and the rest of

    the world would face a catastrophe of gigantic proportions.

    The necessity of writing this book became overwhelming in the minds of the authors in

    the wake of the ghastly slaughter of the Iraq war of January-February 1991. That war was

    an act of savage and premeditated genocide on the part of Bush, undertaken in

    connivance with a clique in London which has, in its historical continuity, represented

    both the worst enemy of the long-term interests of the American people, and the most

    implacable adversary of the progress of the human species.

    The authors observed George Bush very carefully as the Gulf crisis and the war unfolded,

    and had no doubt that his enraged public outbursts constituted real psychotic episodes,

    indicative of a deranged mental state that was full of ominous portent for humanity. The

    authors were also horrified by the degree to which their fellow citizens willfully ignored

    the shocking reality of these public fits. A majority of the American people proved more

    than willing to lend its support to a despicable enterprise of killing.

    By their role-call votes of January 12, 1991, the Senate and the House of Representatives

    gave their authorization for Bush's planned and imminent war measures to restore the

    Emir of Kuwait, who owns and holds chattel slaves. That vote was a crime against God's


    This book is part of an attempt to help them to survive anyway, both for the sake of the

    world and for their own sake. It is intended as a contribution to a process of education

    that might still save the American people from the awesome destruction of a second Bush

    presidency. It is further intended as a warning to all citizens that if they fail to deny Bush

    a second term, they will deserve what they get after 1993.

    As this book goes to press in the autumn of 1991, public awareness of the long-term

    depression of the American economy is rapidly growing. If Bush were re-elected, he

    would view himself as beyond the reach of the voters and the popular will; with the

    federal deficit rising beyond a billion dollars a day, a second Bush administration would

    dictate such crushing austerity as to bring the country to the brink of civil war. Some

    harbingers of what might be coming are described in the last chapter of this book. Our

    goal has been to assemble as much of the truth about Bush as possible within the time

    constraints imposed by the 1992 election. Time and resources have not permitted us

    meticulous attention to certain matters of detail; we can say, nevertheless, that both our

    commitment to the truth and our final product are better than anything anyone else has

    been able to muster, including news organizations and intelligence agencies with

    capabilities that far surpass our own.

    How can we hope to fight the mightily Bush power cartel with a biography, a mere book?

    We have no illusions of easy success, but we were encouraged in our work by the hope that a biography might stimulate opposition to Bush and his policies. It will certainly, if

    only by virtue of its novelty, pose a new set of problems to those seeking to get Bush re-

    elected. For although Bush is now what journalists call a world leader, no accurate

    account on his actual career exists in the public domain.

    The volume, which we submit herewith to the court of world public opinion, is, to the

    best of our knowledge, the first and only book- length, unauthorized biography of George

    Bush. It is the first approximation of the truth about his life. This is the first biography

    worthy of the name, a fact that says a great deal about the sinister power and obsessive

    secrecy of this personage. null of the other self-announced biographies (including

    Bush's campaign autobiography) can be taken seriously; each of these books is a pastiche

    of lies, distortions and banalities that run the gamut from campaign panegyric to the

    Goebbels Big Lie to fake but edifying stories for credulous children. Almost without

    exception, the available Bush literature is worthless.

    But with Bush, this is only the beginning of the problem. Bush's family pedigree

    establishes him as a network asset of Brown Brothers, Harriman, one of the most

    powerful political forces in the United States during much of the twentieth century, and

    for many years the largest private bank in the world. It suffices in this context to think of

    Averell Harriman negotiating during World War II in the name of the United States with

    Churchill and Stalin, or of the role of Brown Brothers, Harriman partner Robert Lovett in

    guiding John F. Kennedy's choice of his cabinet, to begin to see the implications of

    Senator Prescott Bush's post as managing partner of this bank. Brown Brothers, Harriman

    networks pervade government and the mass media. Again and again in the course of the

    following pages we will see stories embarrassing to George Bush refused publication,

    documents embarrassing to Bush suspiciously disappear, and witnesses inculpatory to

    Bush be overtaken by mysterious and conveniently timed deaths. This gigantic apparatus

    has necessarily filtered the few relevant facts, which have found their way here and there

    into the public domain. This problem has been compounded by the corruption and

    servility of authors, journalists, news executives and publishers who have functioned

    more and more as kept advocates for Bush.

    George Bush wants key aspects of his life to remain covert. At the same time, he senses

    that his need for cover-up is vulnerability. The need to protect this weak flank accounts

    for the steady stream of fake biographical and historical material concerning George, as

    well as the spin given to many studies of recent history that may never mention George

    directly. Over the past several months, we have seen a new book about Watergate that

    pretends to tell the public something new by fingering Al Haig as Deep Throat, but

    ignoring the central role of George Bush and his business partners in the Watergate affair.

    We have a new book by Lt. Col. Oliver North, which alleges that Reagan knew

    everything about the Iran-contra affair, but that George Bush was not part of North's

    chain of command. The latter point merely paraphrases Bush's own lame excuse that he

    was "out of the loop" during all those illegal transactions. During the hearings on the

    nomination of Robert Gates to become Director of Central Intelligence, nobody had

    anything new to add about the role of George Bush, the boss of the National Security

    Council's Special Situation Group crisis staff that was a command center for the whole affair. These charades are peddled to a very credulous public by operatives whose task

    goes beyond mere damage control to mind control-- the "MK" in the government's MK

    Ultra operation.

    Part of the free ride enjoyed by George Bush during the 1988 elections is reflected in the

    fact that at no point in the campaign was there any serious effort by any of the so-called

    news organizations to provide the public with something approaching an accurate and

    complete account of his political career. At least two biographies of Dukakis appeared

    which, although hardly critical, were not uniformly laudatory either. But in the case of

    Bush, all the public could turn to was Bush's old 1980 campaign biography and a newer

    campaign autobiography, both of them a tissue of lies.

    Early in the course of our research for the present volume it became apparent that all

    books and most longer articles dealing with the life of George Bush had been generated

    from a single print-out of thoroughly sanitized, approved and canonically admitted

    "facts" about Bush and his family. We learned that during 1979-1980, Bush aide Pete

    Russell attempted to recruit biographers to prepare a life of Bush based on a collection of

    press releases, news summaries, and similar pre-digested material. Most biographical

    writing about Bush consists merely of the points from this printout, strung out

    chronologically and made into a narrative through the interpretation of comments,

    anecdotes, embellishments, or special stylistic devices.

    The canonical Bush-approved printout is readily identified. One dead giveaway that

    became a joke among the authors of the present study was the inevitability with which

    the hacks out to cover up the substance of Bush's life refer to a 1947 red Studebaker

    which George Bush allegedly drove into Odessa, Texas in 1948. This is the sort of detail

    with which such hacks attempt to humanize their subject, in the same way that

    horseshoes, pork rinds, and country and western music have been introduced into Bush's

    real life in a deliberate and deceptive attempt to humanize his image. It has been our

    experience that any text that features a reference to Bush's red Studebaker has probably

    been derived from Bush's list of approved facts, and is therefore practically worthless for

    serious research into Bush's life. We therefore assign such texts to the "red Studebaker

    school" of cover-up and falsification.

    Some examples? His aide Vic Gold from Bush’s campaign autobiography, Looking

    Forward, ghostwrites this:

    Heading into Texas in my Studebaker, all I knew about the state's landscape was what I'd

    seen from the cockpit of a Vultee Vibrator during my training days in the Navy. [fn 1]

    Here is the same moment as recaptured by Bush's crony Fitzhugh Green, a friend of the

    Malthusian financier Russell Train, in his George Bush: An Intimate Portrait, published

    after Bush had won the presidency:

    He [Bush] gassed up his 1948 Studebaker, arranged for his wife and son to follow, and

    headed for Odessa, Texas. [fn 2] Harry Hurt III wrote the following lines in a 1983 Texas magazine article that was even

    decorated with a drawing of what apparently is supposed to be a Studebaker, but which

    does not look like a Studebaker of that vintage at all:

    When George Herbert Walker Bush drove his battered red Studebaker into Odessa in the

    summer of 1948, the town's population, though constantly increasing with newly-arrived

    oil field hands, was still under 30,000. [fn 3]

    We see that Harry Hurt has more imagination than many Bush biographers, and his

    article does provide a few useful facts. More degraded is the version offered by Richard

    Ben Kramer, whose biography of Bush is expected to be published during 1992, and is

    thus intended to serve as the campaign biography to pave the way for Bush's second

    election victory. God help us. Cramer was given the unenviable task of breathing life

    once more into the same tired old printout. But the very fact that the Bush team feels that

    they require another biography indicates that they still feel that they have a potential

    vulnerability here. Cramer has attempted to solve his problem by recasting the same old

    garbage into a frenetic and hyper kinetic, we would almost say hyperthyroid style. The

    following is from an excerpt of this forthcoming book that was published in Esquire in

    June, 1991:

    In June, after the College World Series and graduation day in New Haven, Poppy packed

    up his new red Studebaker (a graduation gift from Pres), and started driving south. [fn 4]

    Was that Studebaker shiny and new, or old and battered? Perhaps the printout is not

    specific on this point; in any case, as we see, our authorities diverge.

    Joe Hyams's 1991 romance of Bush at war, the Flight of the Avenger, does not include

    the obligatory "red Studebaker" reference, but this is more than compensated by the most

    elaborate fawning over other details of our hero's war service [fn 5]. The publication of

    Flight of the Avenger, which concentrates on an heroic retelling of Bush's war record,

    and ignores all evidence that might tend to puncture this myth, was timed to coincide

    with the Gulf crisis and Bush's war with Iraq. This is a vile tract written with the open

    assistance of Bush, Barbara Bush, and the White House staff. Flight of the Avenger

    recalls the practice of totalitarian states according to which a war waged by the regime

    should be accompanied by propaganda, which depicts the regime's strong man in an

    appropriately martial posture. In any case, this book deals with Bush's life up to the end

    of World War II; we never reach Odessa.

    Only one of the full-length accounts produced by the Bush propaganda machine about

    their candidate neglects the red Studebaker story. This is Nicholas King's George Bush:

    A Biography, the first book-length version of Bush's life, produced as a result of Pete

    Russell’s efforts for the 1980 campaign. Nicholas King had served as Bush's spokesman

    when he was US Ambassador to the United Nations. King admits at the beginning of his

    book that he can be impugned for writing a work of the most transparent apologetics: "In

    retrospect," he says in his preface, "this book may seem open to the charge of puffery, for

    the view of its subject is favorable all around." [fn 6] Indeed. Books about Barbara Bush slavishly rehearse the same details from the same printout.

    Here is the relevant excerpt from the warmly admiring Simply Barbara Bush: A Portrait

    of America's Candid First Lady, written by Donnie Radcliffe and published after Bush's

    1988 election victory:

    With $3,000 left over after he graduated in June, 1948, he headed for Texas in the 1947

    red Studebaker his father had given him for graduation after George's car died on the

    highway. [fn 7]

    We see that Bonhorst is acutely aware of the symbolic importance assumed by the red

    Studebaker in these hagiographic accounts of Bush's life.

    What is finally the truth of the matter? There is good reason to believe that George Bush

    did not first come to Odessa, Texas, in a red Studebaker. One knowledgeable source is

    the well-known Texas oilman and Bush campaign contributor Oscar Wyatt of Houston.

    In a recent letter to the Texas Monthly, Wyatt specifies "when people speak of Mr. Bush's

    humble beginnings in the oil industry, it should be noted that he rode down to Texas on

    Dresser's private aircraft. He was accompanied by his father, who at that time was one of

    the directors of Dresser Industries." "I hate it when people make statements about Mr.

    Bush's humble beginnings in the oil industry. It just didn't happen that way," writes Mr.

    Wyatt. [fn 9] Dresser was a Harriman company, and Bush got his start working for one of

    its subsidiaries. One history of Dresser Industries contains a photograph of George Bush

    with his parents, wife, and infant son "in front of a Dresser company airplane in West

    Texas." [fn 10 tris] Can this be a photo of Bush's arrival in Odessa during the summer of

    1948? In any case, this most cherished myth of the Bush biographers is very much open

    to doubt.

    Fawning biographies of bloodthirsty tyrants are nothing new in world literature. The red

    Studebaker school goes back a long way; these writers of today can be usefully compared

    with a certain Gaius Velleius Paterculus, who lived in the Roman Empire under the

    emperors Augustus and Tiberius, and who thus an approximate contemporary of Jesus

    Christ. Velleius Paterculus was an historian and biographer who is known today, if at all,

    for his biographical notes on the Emperor Tiberius, which are contained within

    Paterculus's history of Rome from the origins down to his own time.

    Paterculus, writing under Tiberius, gave a very favorable treatment of Julius Caesar, and

    became fulsome when he came to write of Augustus. But the worst excesses of flattery

    came in Velleius Paterculus's treatment of Tiberius himself. Here is part of what he writes

    about that tyrannical ruler:

    Of the transactions of the last sixteen years, which have passed in the view, and are fresh

    in the memory of all, who shall presume to give a full account? [...] credit has been

    restored to mercantile affairs, sedition has been banished from the forum, corruption from

    the Campus Martius, and discord from the senate- house; justice, equity and industry,

    which had long lain buried in neglect, have been revived in the state; authority has been

    given to the magistrates, majesty to the senate, and solemnity to the courts of justice; the bloody riots in the theater have been suppressed, and all men have had either a desire

    excited in them, or a necessity imposed on them, of acting with integrity. Virtuous acts

    are honored, wicked deeds are punished. The humble respects the powerful, without

    dreading him; the powerful takes precedence of the humble without condemning him.

    When were provisions more moderate in price? When were the blessings of peace for

    abundant? Augustan peace, diffused over all the regions of the east and the west, and all

    that lies between the south and the north, preserves every corner of the world free from

    all dread of predatory molestation. Fortuitous losses, not only of individuals, but also of

    cities, the munificence of the prince is ready to relieve. The cities of Asia have been

    repaired; the provinces have been secured from the oppression of their governors. Honor

    promptly rewards the deserving, and the punishment of the guilty, if slow, is certain.

    Interest gives place to justice, solicitation to merit. For the best of princes teaches his

    countrymen to act rightly by his own practice; and while he is the greatest in power, he is

    still greater in example.

    Having exhibited a general view of the administration of Tiberius Caesar, let us now

    enumerate a few particulars respecting it. [...] How formidable a war, excited by the

    Gallic chief Sacrovir and Julius Florius, did he suppress, and with such amazing

    expedition and energy, that the Roman people learned that they were conquerors, before

    they knew that they were at war, and the news of the victory outstripped the news of the

    danger! The African war too, perilous as it was, and daily increasing in strength, was

    quickly terminated under his auspices and direction. [...] What structures has he erected

    in his own name, and those of his family! With what dutiful munificence, even exceeding

    belief, is he building a temple to his father! [...] With what perfect ease to the public does

    he manage the raising of troops, a business of constant and extreme apprehension,

    without the consternation attendant on a levy! [fn 11 ]

    All of this was written in praise of the regime that crucified Jesus Christ, and one of the

    worst genocidal tyrannies in the history of the world. Paterculus, we must sadly conclude,

    was a sycophant of the Tiberius administration. Some of his themes are close parallels to

    the propaganda of today's Bush machine.

    In addition to feeding the personality cult of Tiberius, Paterculus also lavished praise on

    Lucius Aelius Sejanus, the Prefect of the Pretorian Guard and for many years Tiberius's

    number one favorite, second in command, and likely successor. In many respects Sejanus

    was not unlike James Baker III under the Bush regime. While Tiberius spent all of his

    time in seclusion on his island of Capri near Naples, Sejanus assumed day-to-day control

    of the vast empire and its 100,000,000 subjects. Paterculus wrote of Sejanus that he was

    "a most excellent coadjutor in all the toils of government...a man of pleasing gravity, and

    of unaffected cheerfulness...assuming nothing to himself." That was the voice of the red

    Studebaker school in about 30 AD. Paterculus should have limited his fawning to

    Tiberius himself; somewhat later the emperor, suspecting a coup plot, condemned

    Sejanus and had him torn limb from limb in gruesome retribution.

    But why bring up Rome? Some readers, and not just registered Republicans, may be

    scandalized by the things that truth obliges us to record about a sitting president of the United States. Are we not disrespectful to this high office? No. One of the reasons for

    glancing back at Imperial Rome is to remind ourselves that in times of moral and cultural

    degradation like our own, rulers of great evil have inflicted incalculable suffering on

    humanity. In our modern time of war and depression, this is once again the case. If

    Caligula was possible then, who could claim that the America of the New World Order

    should be exempt? Let us therefore tarry for a moment with these old Romans, because

    they can show us much about ourselves.

    In order to find Roman writers who tell us anything reliable about the first dozen

    emperors, we must wait until the infamous Julio-Claudian dynasty of Julius Caesar,

    Augustus, Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius, Nero and the rest had entirely passed from the

    scene, to be supplanted by new ruling houses. Tiberius reigned from 14 to 37 AD;

    Caligula, his designated successor, from 37 to 41 AD; and Nero from 54 to 68 AD. But

    the first accurate account of the crimes of some of these emperors comes from Publius

    Cornelius Tacitus, a very high Roman official, and it appeared about 115-117 AD, late in

    the reign of the emperor Trajan. It was feasible for Tacitus to write and publish a more

    realistic account of the Julio- Claudian emperors because one of the constant themes of

    Trajan's propaganda was to glorify himself as an enlightened emperor through

    comparison with the earlier series of bloody tyrants.

    Tacitus is important because he manages to convey something of how the destructiveness

    of these emperors in their personal lives correlated with their mass executions and their

    genocidal economic policies. Tacitus was familiar with the machinery of Roman Imperial

    power: he was of senatorial rank, served as consul in Italy in 97 AD, and was the

    governor of the important province of western Anatolia (today's Turkey) which the

    Romans referred to simply as Asia. Tacitus writes of Tiberius:

    ...his criminal lusts shamed him. Their uncontrollable activity was worthy of an oriental

    tyrant. Free-born children were his victims. He was fascinated by beauty, youthful

    innocence, and aristocratic birth. New names for types of perversions were invented.

    Slaves were charged to locate and procure his requirements. [...] It was like the sack of a

    captured city.

    Tiberius was able to dominate the legislative branch of his government, the senate, by

    subversion and terror:

    It was, indeed, a horrible feature of this period that leading senators became informers

    even on trivial matters-- some openly, many secretly. Friends and relatives were as

    suspect as strangers, old stories as damaging as new. In the Main Square, at a dinner-

    party, a remark on any subject might mean prosecution. Everyone competed for priority

    in marking down the victim. Sometimes this was self-defense, but mostly it was a sort of

    contagion, like an epidemic. [...] I realize that many writers omit numerous trials and

    condemnations, bored by repetition or afraid that catalogues they themselves have found

    over-long and dismal may equally depress their readers. But numerous unrecorded

    incidents, which have come to my attention, ought to be known. [...] Even women were in danger. They could not be charged with aiming at supreme

    power. So they were charged with weeping: one old lady was executed for lamenting her

    son's death. The senate decided this case. [...] In the same year the high price of corn

    nearly caused riots. [...]

    Frenzied with bloodshed, [Tiberius] now ordered the execution of all those arrested for

    complicity with Sejanus. It was a massacre. Without discrimination of sex or age,

    eminence or obscurity, there they lay, strewn about-- or in heaps. Relative and friends

    were forbidden to stand by or lament them, or even gaze for long. Guards surrounded

    them, spying on their sorrow, and escorted the rotting bodies until, dragged to the Tiber,

    they floated away or grounded -- with none to cremate or touch them. Terror had

    paralyzed human sympathy. The rising surge of brutality drove compassion away. [fn 12]

    This is the same Tiberius administration so extravagantly praised by Velleius Paterculus.

    The other Latin author who writes about these Julio-Claudian emperors was Gaius

    Suetonius Tranquillus, who is far less able than Tacitus to fathom the great issues of

    imperial policy which these degenerate emperors influenced. Suetonius is a tabloid

    version of Tacitus, and he concentrates on the horrors and perversions of the emperors in

    their personal sphere, as well as the bloodbaths they ordered. Since many readers over the

    centuries have found these chronicles highly accessible, Suetonius has always been

    widely read.

    Because of lacunae in the manuscripts of Tacitus's work that have come down to us,

    much of what we know of the rule of Caligula (Gaius Caesar, in power from 37 to 41

    AD) derives from Suetonius's book known as The Lives of the Twelve Caesars. The

    character and administration of Caligula present some striking parallels with the subject

    of the present book.

    As a stoic, Caligula was a great admirer of his own "immovable rigor." His motto was

    "Remember that I have the right to do anything to anybody." He made no secret of his

    bloodthirsty vindictiveness. Caligula was a fan of the green team in the Roman arena, and

    when the crowd applauded a charioteer who wore a different color, Caligula cried out, "I

    wish the Roman people had but a single neck." At one of his state dinners Caligula burst

    into a fit of uncontrollable laughter, and when a consul asked him what was so funny, he

    replied that it was the thought that as emperor Caligula had the power to have the throats

    of the top officials cut at any time he chose. Caligula carried this same attitude into his

    personal life: whenever he kissed or caressed the neck of his wife or one of his

    mistresses, he liked to remark: "Off comes this beautiful head whenever I give the word."

    Above all, Caligula was vindictive. After his death, two notebooks were found among his

    personal papers, one labelled "The Sword" and the other labelled "The Dagger." These

    were lists of the persons he had proscribed and liquidated, and were the forerunners of the

    enemies' lists and discrediting committee of today. Suetonius frankly calls Caligula "a

    monster," and speculates on the psychological roots of his criminal disposition: "I think I

    may attribute to mental weakness the existence of two exactly opposite faults in the same person, extreme assurance and, on the other hand, excessive timorousness." Caligula was

    "full of threats" against "the barbarians," but at the same time prone to precipitous retreats

    and flights of panic. Caligula worked on his "body language" by "practicing all kinds of

    terrible and fearsome expressions before a mirror."

    Caligula built an extension of his palace to connect with the Temple of Castor and Pollux,

    and often went there to exhibit himself as an object of public worship, delighting in being

    hailed as "Jupiter Latiaris" by the populace. Later Caligula would officially open temples

    in his own name. Caligula was brutal in his intimidation of the senate, whose members he

    subjected to open humiliations and covert attacks; many senators were "secretly put to

    death." "He often inveighed against all the Senators alike." "He treated the other orders

    with like insolence and cruelty." Suetonius recites whole catalogues of "special instances

    of his innate brutality" towards persons of all walks of life. He enjoyed inflicting torture,

    and revelled in liquidating political opponents or those who had insulted or snubbed him

    in some way. He had a taste for capital executions as the perfect backdrop for parties and

    banquets. Caligula also did everything he could to sully and denigrate the memory of the

    great men of past epochs, so that their fame could not eclipse his own: "He assailed

    mankind of almost every epoch with no less envy and malice than insolence and cruelty.

    He threw down the statues of famous men...," and tried to destroy all the texts of Homer.

    Caligula "respected neither his own chastity nor that of any one else." He was reckless in

    his extravagance, and soon emptied out the imperial treasury of all the funds that old

    Tiberius had squirreled away there. After that, Caligula tried to replenish his coffers

    through a system of spies, false accusations, property seizures, and public auctions. He

    also "levied new and unheard- of taxes," to the point that "no class of commodities was

    exempt from some kind of tax or other." Caligula taxed all foodstuffs, took a fortieth of

    the award in any lawsuit, an eighth of the daily wages of the porters, and demanded that

    the prostitutes pay him a daily fee equal to the average price charged to each individual

    customer. It is rumored that this part of Caligula's career is under study by those planning

    George Bush's second term. Caligula also opened a brothel in his palace as an additional

    source of income, which may prefigure today's White House staff. Among Caligula's

    more singular hobbies Suetonius includes his love of rolling and wallowing in piles of

    gold coins.

    Caligula kept his wife, Caesonia (described by Suetonius as "neither beautiful nor

    young") with him until the very end. But his greatest devotion was to his horse, whom he

    made consul of the Roman state. Ultimately Caligula fell victim to a conspiracy of the

    Praetorian Guard, led by the tribune Gaius Chaerea, a man whom Caligula had taken

    special delight in humiliating. [fn 13]

    The authors of the present study are convinced that these references to the depravity of

    the Roman Emperors, and to the records of that depravity provided by such authors as

    Tacitus and Suetonius, are directly germane to our present task of following the career of

    a member of the senatorial class of the Anglo-American elite through the various stages

    of his formation, apprenticeship, intrigues, and ultimate ascent to imperial power. The

    Roman Imperial model is germane because the American ruling elite of today is far

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